As we know, the Eumenides was performed in 458 B.C. as the culminating part of the Oresteia. It can be divided into three parts. The first part takes place at Delphi, before the temple of Apollo where Orestes has been pursued by the furies or Erinyes on account of the murder of his mother Clytemnaestra. While the furies are asleep, he receives assurances from Apollo that he will protect him because it was he that incited him to murder. He tells him to wander the earth pursued by the furies until he comes to Athens, where he will be released from the burden of his crime.
Between the first and second parts, the wanderings of Orestes take place. The fact that Orestes is instructed to wander until he reaches Athens would suggest that Athens is the location of justice. His wanderings perform the function of an act of purification. By the time he reaches Athens, he says he comes:
"with my guilt's edge already blunted and worn away at other homes and in the travelled paths of men,"
which would suggest he is therefore already purged himself of his crime by the time he's got there. Once in Athens, he appeals to Athena for help and she decrees that he will be tried and the furies, who agree under protest, to be prosecutors. The final part consists of the trial and aftermath itself, at a place called the Areopagus. Apollo acts as advocate for Orestes in the trial and once both sides have said their piece, Athena announces she will acquit the defendant in the event of a hung jury, which is what happens. Orestes is freed but this is far from being the climax of the play. In fact, reading the play in a certain way, you could say it is almost incidental. What follows is that the Erinyes are won over, with some difficulty, to the side of justice as conceived by Athena and as demonstrated in the trial of Orestes, and become the guardians or custodians of that institution.
Mythological Background to the play and the origin of the word Eumenides
It translates as 'the kindly ones,' presumably in contrast to their alternative identity as furies, and is an indicator of their status following the conversion I mentioned above. This amounts to a domestication or a restraining of fury and passion personified. They make a deal with Athens in which, in exchange for their loss of freedom, they are promised a home and the assurance of respect and prosperity. In a sense, they are incorporated into a broader conception of justice partly based on reason and promoting a greater social cohesion than the simple law of 'an eye for an eye.' I say partly because there is a recognition that this new conception of justice cannot afford to omit because justice cannot be founded upon cool, cerebral reason alone. Athens gains from the deal in that, having provided a home the furies, they can be harnessed in war.
Near the end, they bestow a weird sort of blessing on Athens:
"may they hate with one mind; for this is the cure of many an evil in the world." [985]
Which is a kind of strange sentiment to our ears but not apparently to the Athenians.
This new type of justice that will be instituted at the Areopagus, is signaled from the very moment the Erinyes inform Athena about Orestes murdering his mother, when she asks under what circumstances:
"Through other compulsions, or in fear of someone's wrath?" [425]
This is a sign already that, to Athena, the law is not something as black and white as the Erinyes would have it. Their reply is:
"Where is there a spur so keen as to compel the murder of a mother?"
So the Erinyes in a sense represent an absolute type justice, in which certain acts are unpardonable under any circumstances and which is administered through fear rather than respect:
"There is a time when fear is good and ought to remain seated as a guardian of the heart. It is profitable to learn wisdom under strain." [520]
This section is translated more concisely and effectively in Kitto's book as "What man will be just if he fears nothing?"
It is the difference between a sort of child-like morality motivated purely by fear of punishment and a more grown-up internalized morality of (ostensibly at least) doing the right thing for its own sake.
Eumenides
The word 'Eumenides' does not actually occur in the play itself except for the title and in fact it seems to have become synonymous with the Erinyes mainly through Aeschylus' play. There is no definite documentary evidence, as far as I can tell, to suggest that the Erinyes were known as Eumenides prior to Aeschylus' play. That is not to say they weren't, but it certainly seems likely that the play was responsible for a broad adoption of the association. It is also possible that the conversion of the furies was an innovation of Aeschylus himself and therefore a surprise to viewers of the play. This view is, I think, re-enforced by the fact that, if the conclusion was foregone and predictable for the audience, the characters would most likely hint towards it as they do in other Aeschylus plays. (examples?)
Mirroring this idea of an earlier form of justice giving way to a newer, is the suggestion throughout the play, that the conflict between the Erinyes and Apollo is part of a wider conflict between older gods such as the furies and newer ones—those the Erinyes themselves refer to as:
"the younger gods, who rule, wholly beyond justice."
They in turn are described by Apollo as:
"creatures hateful to men and to the Olympian gods."
So both sides recognize that it's definitely a rift there. After the trial is over and the votes are being cast, the furies again berate Apollo for usurping their power and they intimate that they will punish Athens for defying them. That's just before they're won over by Athena.
There are also lines suggesting that the Erinyes have been designated the role of doing the dirty work of the gods. They say:
"This office was ordained for us at birth; but the immortal gods must hold back their hands from us, nor does any of them share a feast in common with us; [350] and I have neither lot nor portion of pure white ceremonial robes"
The Areopagus
Only 4 years before the performance of the Oresteia, the Areopagus had been a council of elders of sorts, with wide-ranging political powers, but in that year its functions were reduced in scope to that of a judicial tribunal. Some have read the play as a conservative protest against the curtailment of its powers, others as an approving reminder that it had returned to its original function as a court for trying cases of homicide. Eumenides can also be read as an explanatatory story of why, in the event of a hung jury, defendants were acquitted. The idea that it is a story of the founding of the Areopagus is contradicted by the existence of several other foundation stories that existed prior to Aeschylus' play. One was that Ares was tries for killing a son of Poseidon, hence the name Areopagus, which means 'hill of Ares' although it could be argued that this story is only an explanation of the name of the particular place where the Areopagus was located. Aeschylus' play could be seen as a repudiation of this myth, because of the way Athena rejects the role of judge, in stark contrast to the trial of Ares by a jury of Gods.
The jury in Eumenides is composed of people Athena describes as "the best of my citizens." It is curious that citizens of Athens are competent to try the case but not Athena herself. She explains this by saying:
"The matter is too great, if any mortal thinks to pass judgment on it; [470], it is not lawful even for me to decide on cases of murder that is followed by the quick anger of the Furies"
which suggests that justice is being portrayed as a matter of consent and common interest amongst citizens rather than something absolute and implacable. On the other hand, when the furies have taken up residence in Athens, she portrays their presence as a salutary example for the citizens to fear.
There is a strong sense in which the play is presenting a sort of template for a sort of idealized legal procedure. More than once Athena declares that this case will establish a precedent for justice to come:
"I will select judges of homicide bound by oath, and I will establish this tribunal for all time." [480]
Political background/themes
The play was performed at the moment when the expansion of Athens had its brightest prospects according to Verrall. Another point to note is the mention, several times, of the acquittal of Orestes serving to strengthen a military alliance between Athens and Argos which had been made only three years prior to the performance of the play. Orestes says, for example:
"Without the spear, she will win me and my land and the Argive people [290] as faithful and true allies for all time."
The eternal nature of this alliance is stressed here and in other lines, by Apollo. In fact, it is stressed so much that it makes you suspect the alliance was at this stage, still fragile and something they were anxious and doubtful about.
Patriotic sentiments are clear in the implication, made throughout the play, that the decree of the Areopagus should have universal validity throughout the Athenian empire. Like all imperial powers, Athens asserts its competence and the superiority of its justice over others. The fact that Athena spares Orestes can be seen as establishing the idea that divine justice is inclined towards mercy if the verdict is open to dispute, although it's debatable whether this was an interpretation the Greeks themselves might have made in the fifth century. She does not so much decide a moral question concerning Orestes action, as simply grant him a favour by an act of mercy. Athena is a sort of conciliatory figure in the play, making possible the compromise that Apollo's more intractable attitude makes impossible.
Theatre of Dionysus in Athens
Aeschylus’ Agamemnon - Wouter Mulders
The play
- Written in 458 BC.
- First part of the trilogy Oresteia: Agamemnon, Choephoroe and Eumenides.
- The trilogy shifts from a domestic, personal tragedy to a supernatural scope (Murray).
- Leda and the Swan (Zeus) -> Helena and Clytaimnestra + Castor and Polydeuces. Tyndareus played their father.
- Eris not invited at marriage Thetis and Peleus -> Apple for the fairest -> Judgement of Paris
- Oath of Tyndareus: all the greek kings vowed to protect Helena if harm would come to her.
- Agamemnon had killed the favourite stag of Artemis and had been boastful towards her.
(Very) Short Summary
- Watchman’s prologue (ll: 1-39)*
- Chorus and Clytaimnestra (ll: 40- 502)*
- Herald arrives (ll: 503-781)*
- Agamemnon and Cassandra arrive -> Carpet scene (ll: 782)
- Prophecy of Cassandra (ll: 1069-1330)
- Murder of Agamemnon and Cassandra (l. 1343)
- Bodies thrown on stage. Chorus and Clytaimnestra
- Enter Aegisthus (ll: 1577-end)
*notice the 3 by 3 structure before the Arrival of Agamemnon: 3 different actors announce his arrival -the Watchman, Clytaimnestra and the Herald- alternated by 3 choral odes - line 40, 351 and 681 – (Goldhill)
Theme: Vengeance and Dikè
- Goldhill points out that the word Dikè is all over the play. Build-up to Eumenides.
- The concept of Dikè “on him that doeth shall it be done” is twofold: It is both a law of nature (vengeance is like karma) as well as a duty to avenge. (Murray)
- Domestic offences lead to kinslaying. Compare: 1) Menelaus and Agamemnon punish Paris which leads to Agamemnon sacrificing Iphigeneia, 2) Clytaimnestra’s adultery and murder of her husband leads to Orestes slaying his own mother, 3) Thyestes sleeping with Atreus wife leads to Atreus feeding Thyestes his own children (more or less infanticide)
- The motivation for revenge and murder may be multi-layered, for example, Clytaimnestra: death of Iphigeneia, jealousy, new lover, curse of Thyestes.
Theme: Prophesies and animal imagery
- Calchas had a dream where two vultures/eagles eat a pregnant hare (ll: 122-138), meaning that the Greeks will conquer Troy, but will anger the gods. He also knew that Artemis wanted Agamemnon to sacrifice his own daughter. The Chorus fears his prophecies, and hopes that in time his prophecies will not “count” anymore (l.975-987)
- Cassandra foresees the death of Agamemnon and herself. Clytaimnestra & Aegisthus as a lioness and a wolf, Agamemnon as a lion (ll: 1256-1260). Clytaimnestra as a bull, Skylla, and an Amphisbaena.
- “A man reared in his house a lion welp” (l.717) Applicable to: Troy welcoming Helena, Troy bringing in the wooden horse: “the ravenging lion” (ll: 825-828), Agamemnon marrying Clytaimnestra, possibly the whole Oresteia.
Theme: Gender Reversal
- “For thus rules my Queen, woman in sanguine heart and man in strength of purpose” (l.13)
- “Lady, like a prudent man thou speakest wisely.” (l. 351)
- “Woman, that thou art!” (l. 1625)
Bibliography
Conacher, D.J. Aeschylus’ The Oresteia: A Literary Commentary. Toronto: University Press, 1987
Goldhill, Simon Aeschylus’ The Oresteia. 2nd ed. Cambridge: University Press, 2004
Murray, Gilbert Aeschylys, The Creator of Tragedy. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1940
Homer's Odyssey, bk. XI, 385-469
Odysseus in the Underworld
“When then holy Persephone had scattered this way and that the spirits of the women, there came up the spirit of Agamemnon, son of Atreus, sorrowing; and round about him others were gathered, spirits of all those who were slain with him in the house of Aegisthus, and met their fate. He knew me straightway, when he had drunk the dark blood, and he wept aloud, and shed big tears, and stretched forth his hands toward me eager to reach me. But no longer had he aught of strength or might remaining such as of old was in his supple limbs. “When I saw him I wept, and my heart had compassion on him, and I spoke, and addressed him with winged words: ‘Most glorious son of Atreus, king of men, Agamemnon, what fate of grievous death overcame thee? Did Poseidon smite thee on board thy ships, when he had roused a furious blast of cruel winds? Or did foemen work thee harm on the land, while thou wast cutting off their cattle and fair flocks of sheep, or wast fighting to win their city and their women?’
“So I spoke, and he straightway made answer and said: ‘Son of Laertes, sprung from Zeus, Odysseus of many devices, neither did Poseidon smite me on board my ships, when he had roused a furious blast of cruel winds, nor did foemen work me harm on the land, but Aegisthus wrought for me death and fate, and slew me with the aid of my accursed wife, when he had bidden me to his house and made me a feast, even as one slays an ox at the stall. So I died by a most pitiful death, and round about me the rest of my comrades were slain unceasingly like white-tusked swine, which are slaughtered in the house of a rich man of great might at a marriage feast, or a joint meal, or a rich drinking-bout. Ere now thou hast been present at the slaying of many men, killed in single combat or in the press of the fight, but in heart thou wouldst have felt most pity hadst thou seen that sight, how about the mixing bowl and the laden tables we lay in the hall, and the floor all swam with blood. But the most piteous cry that I heard was that of the daughter of Priam, Cassandra, whom guileful Clytemnestra slew by my side. And I sought to raise my hands and smite down the murderess, dying though I was, pierced through with the sword. But she, the shameless one, turned her back upon me, and even though I was going to the house of Hades deigned neither to draw down my eyelids with her fingers nor to close my mouth. So true is it that there is nothing more dread or more shameless than a woman who puts into her heart such deeds, even as she too devised a monstrous thing, contriving death for her wedded husband. Verily I thought that I should come home welcome to my children and to my slaves; but she, with her heart set on utter wickedness, has shed shame on herself and on women yet to be, even upon her that doeth uprightly.’ “So he spoke, and I made answer and said: ‘Ah, verily has Zeus, whose voice is borne afar, visited wondrous hatred on the race of Atreus from the first because of the counsels of women. For Helen's sake many of us perished, and against thee Clytemnestra spread a snare whilst thou wast afar.’ “So I spoke, and he straightway made answer and said: ‘Wherefore in thine own case be thou never gentle even to thy wife. Declare not to her all the thoughts of thy heart, but tell her somewhat, and let somewhat also be hidden. Yet not upon thee, Odysseus, shall death come from thy wife, for very prudent and of an understanding heart is the daughter of Icarius, wise Penelope. Verily we left her a bride newly wed, when we went to the war, and a boy was at her breast, a babe, who now, I ween, sits in the ranks of men, happy in that his dear father will behold him when he comes, and he will greet his father as is meet. But my wife did not let me sate my eyes even with sight of my own son. Nay, ere that she slew even me, her husband. And another thing will I tell thee, and do thou lay it to heart: in secret and not openly do thou bring thy ship to the shore of thy dear native land; for no longer is there faith in women. But, come, tell me this, and declare it truly, whether haply ye hear of my son as yet alive in Orchomenus it may be, or in sandy Pylos, or yet with Menelaus in wide Sparta; for not yet has goodly Orestes perished on the earth.’ “So he spoke, and I made answer and said: ‘Son of Atreus, wherefore dost thou question me of this? I know not at all whether he be alive or dead, and it is an ill thing to speak words vain as wind.’ “Thus we two stood and held sad converse with one another, sorrowing and shedding big tears…” (XI, 385-469)
Homer. The Odyssey with an English Translation by A.T. Murray, PH.D. in two volumes. Cambridge, MA., Harvard University Press; London, William Heinemann, Ltd. 1919.
“When then holy Persephone had scattered this way and that the spirits of the women, there came up the spirit of Agamemnon, son of Atreus, sorrowing; and round about him others were gathered, spirits of all those who were slain with him in the house of Aegisthus, and met their fate. He knew me straightway, when he had drunk the dark blood, and he wept aloud, and shed big tears, and stretched forth his hands toward me eager to reach me. But no longer had he aught of strength or might remaining such as of old was in his supple limbs. “When I saw him I wept, and my heart had compassion on him, and I spoke, and addressed him with winged words: ‘Most glorious son of Atreus, king of men, Agamemnon, what fate of grievous death overcame thee? Did Poseidon smite thee on board thy ships, when he had roused a furious blast of cruel winds? Or did foemen work thee harm on the land, while thou wast cutting off their cattle and fair flocks of sheep, or wast fighting to win their city and their women?’
“So I spoke, and he straightway made answer and said: ‘Son of Laertes, sprung from Zeus, Odysseus of many devices, neither did Poseidon smite me on board my ships, when he had roused a furious blast of cruel winds, nor did foemen work me harm on the land, but Aegisthus wrought for me death and fate, and slew me with the aid of my accursed wife, when he had bidden me to his house and made me a feast, even as one slays an ox at the stall. So I died by a most pitiful death, and round about me the rest of my comrades were slain unceasingly like white-tusked swine, which are slaughtered in the house of a rich man of great might at a marriage feast, or a joint meal, or a rich drinking-bout. Ere now thou hast been present at the slaying of many men, killed in single combat or in the press of the fight, but in heart thou wouldst have felt most pity hadst thou seen that sight, how about the mixing bowl and the laden tables we lay in the hall, and the floor all swam with blood. But the most piteous cry that I heard was that of the daughter of Priam, Cassandra, whom guileful Clytemnestra slew by my side. And I sought to raise my hands and smite down the murderess, dying though I was, pierced through with the sword. But she, the shameless one, turned her back upon me, and even though I was going to the house of Hades deigned neither to draw down my eyelids with her fingers nor to close my mouth. So true is it that there is nothing more dread or more shameless than a woman who puts into her heart such deeds, even as she too devised a monstrous thing, contriving death for her wedded husband. Verily I thought that I should come home welcome to my children and to my slaves; but she, with her heart set on utter wickedness, has shed shame on herself and on women yet to be, even upon her that doeth uprightly.’ “So he spoke, and I made answer and said: ‘Ah, verily has Zeus, whose voice is borne afar, visited wondrous hatred on the race of Atreus from the first because of the counsels of women. For Helen's sake many of us perished, and against thee Clytemnestra spread a snare whilst thou wast afar.’ “So I spoke, and he straightway made answer and said: ‘Wherefore in thine own case be thou never gentle even to thy wife. Declare not to her all the thoughts of thy heart, but tell her somewhat, and let somewhat also be hidden. Yet not upon thee, Odysseus, shall death come from thy wife, for very prudent and of an understanding heart is the daughter of Icarius, wise Penelope. Verily we left her a bride newly wed, when we went to the war, and a boy was at her breast, a babe, who now, I ween, sits in the ranks of men, happy in that his dear father will behold him when he comes, and he will greet his father as is meet. But my wife did not let me sate my eyes even with sight of my own son. Nay, ere that she slew even me, her husband. And another thing will I tell thee, and do thou lay it to heart: in secret and not openly do thou bring thy ship to the shore of thy dear native land; for no longer is there faith in women. But, come, tell me this, and declare it truly, whether haply ye hear of my son as yet alive in Orchomenus it may be, or in sandy Pylos, or yet with Menelaus in wide Sparta; for not yet has goodly Orestes perished on the earth.’ “So he spoke, and I made answer and said: ‘Son of Atreus, wherefore dost thou question me of this? I know not at all whether he be alive or dead, and it is an ill thing to speak words vain as wind.’ “Thus we two stood and held sad converse with one another, sorrowing and shedding big tears…” (XI, 385-469)
Homer. The Odyssey with an English Translation by A.T. Murray, PH.D. in two volumes. Cambridge, MA., Harvard University Press; London, William Heinemann, Ltd. 1919.
Homer's Odyssey, bk. I, 1-45
Tell me, O Muse, of the man of many devices, who wandered full many ways after he had sacked the sacred citadel of Troy. Many were the men whose cities he saw and whose mind he learned, aye, and many the woes he suffered in his heart upon the sea, seeking to win his own life and the return of his comrades. Yet even so he saved not his comrades, though he desired it sore, for through their own blind folly they perished—fools, who devoured the kine of Helios Hyperion; but he took from them the day of their returning. Of these things, goddess, daughter of Zeus, beginning where thou wilt, tell thou even unto us. Now all the rest, as many as had escaped sheer destruction, were at home, safe from both war and sea, but Odysseus alone, filled with longing for his return and for his wife, did the queenly nymph Calypso, that bright goddess, keep back in her hollow caves, yearning that he should be her husband. But when, as the seasons revolved, the year came in which the gods had ordained that he should return home to Ithaca, not even there was he free from toils, even among his own folk. And all the gods pitied him save Poseidon; but he continued to rage unceasingly against godlike Odysseus until at length he reached his own land. Howbeit Poseidon had gone among the far-off Ethiopians—the Ethiopians who dwell sundered in twain, the farthermost of men, some where Hyperion sets and some where he rises, there to receive a hecatomb of bulls and rams, and there he was taking his joy, sitting at the feast; but the other gods were gathered together in the halls of Olympian Zeus. Among them the father of gods and men was first to speak, for in his heart he thought of noble Aegisthus, whom far-famed Orestes, Agamemnon's son, had slain. Thinking on him he spoke among the immortals, and said: “Look you now, how ready mortals are to blame the gods. It is from us, they say, that evils come, but they even of themselves, through their own blind folly, have sorrows beyond that which is ordained. Even as now Aegisthus, beyond that which was ordained, took to himself the wedded wife of the son of Atreus, and slew him on his return, though well he knew of sheer destruction, seeing that we spake to him before, sending Hermes, the keen-sighted Argeiphontes, [Killer of Argos] that he should neither slay the man nor woo his wife; for from Orestes shall come vengeance for the son of Atreus when once he has come to manhood and longs for his own land. So Hermes spoke, but for all his good intent he prevailed not upon the heart of Aegisthus; and now he has paid the full price of all.” [I. 1-45]
Homer. The Odyssey with an English Translation by A.T. Murray, PH.D. in two volumes. Cambridge, MA., Harvard University Press; London, William Heinemann, Ltd. 1919.
Homer. The Odyssey with an English Translation by A.T. Murray, PH.D. in two volumes. Cambridge, MA., Harvard University Press; London, William Heinemann, Ltd. 1919.
Aeschylus - Persae - Joanna Pierce
Of the seven of Aeschylus’ plays which survive The Persians, first performed in 472 BC at the festival of Dionysus, is the earliest. The play is a historical tragedy, based on the recently fought Persian Wars, or more specifically, the battle of Salamis. The play is set in the Persian royal court in Susa, the main characters being the chorus of Persian elders, Atossa, the king’s mother, the ghost of the dead king Darius, and the king himself (the Great King) Xerxes. (Also messenger).
The Persian Wars
The westernmost part of the vast empire that was Persia was a region named Ionia. The Ionians claimed kinship with Greeks rather than with Persians, in particular the cities which were also of Ionian descent such as Athens. In 494 the Ionians revolted against oppressive Persian rule and sent to their fellow Ionians in Greece for help; and the Athenians duly sent aid. The revolt was put down, but the Persian king, Darius, was determined never to forget the role of the Athenians. It is said that he had one of his servants say to him “remember Athens”, three times each day when he sat down to dinner. In 490 a Persian force sent by him was defeated at Marathon by the Athenians and Plataeans. Ten years later, his son, Xerxes was determined to finally bring retribution to the Greeks. He built a bridge over the Hellespont and fought three battles: Thermopylae in 480, which the Persians won, Salamis, a naval battle, also in 480, in which the Athenians dealt him a devastating blow, and finally a land battle at Plataea in 479 which ended Xerxes’ expedition (although he had already returned to Persia the previous year). The Persian threat remained and to combat this a Delian League was founded by the Greeks under the leadership of Athens. This league formed the basis for the Athenian Empire. (454 - money moved)
Historical aspect
Aeschylus’ Persae was only written 8 years after the battle of Salamis; his audience would have remembered it. (the battle was fought not far from where this was being performed) It may seem to us that it was all too recent to be composing a play about it, but Kitto argues that remoteness of place compensates for nearness in time, and that by setting it in Susa Aeschylus could develop a broad moral theme despite the short time which had elapsed since the battle. Furthermore, this was not even the first play on the topic, Phrynichus staged his play on the Persian Wars in 476 BC. By writing another play on the same topic only 4 years later Aeschylus is demonstrating that he has more to say on the topic, which would imply that this play was written for more than just the glory of Athens.
There are historical inaccuracies in the play. For example the action occurring on the island of Psyttalia (where, according to Aeschylus the cream of the Persian army met their death) is exaggerated. Also Darius is portrayed as the prudent king who is against Xerxes’ attempt to yoke Greece as “the land itself is their [the Greeks’] ally” (l. 792), although Darius himself had sent a force against Greece in the afore mentioned battle of Marathon. This can either be taken as being mere inaccuracies, that is to say due to misinformation or ignorance, or, more likely, there is a dramatic reason, thereby agreeing with the notion that Aeschylus had particular reasons for producing a play on a similar topic to one performed four years earlier.
Tragedy
As this is a historical tragedy commemorating a great Athenian victory the question is is this a true tragedy in the Aristotelian sense of fall from prosperity to adversity, or is it merely a patriotic commemoration of Greek victory? There definitely is an element of a patriotism in it, and I think this is acknowledged. For examples in Aristophanes’ Frogs Aeschylus recalls his presentation of Persae in which “by glorifying a great deed I taught [the Athenians] to desire always to conquer their enemies”. This doesn’t necessarily mean that this was Aeschylus’ or even Aristophanes’ view, but the presence of such a line shows that the audience would have understood something in this. There are elements of the play which are clearly so written for the sake of Athenian pride. For example there’s the description of the Greek fleet in all its splendour at the outset of the battle (ll.386-401). Much is made of the size of the Persian army as this makes the Greek victory even more impressive. When the outcome of Salamis is being reported to them Aeschylus has Atossa ask specifically the number of the Greek ships. There is no mention of any minor Persian success, nor does any Persian warrior have a moment of glory. In contrast, as has already been mentioned, much was made of the relatively minor Greek victory at Psytalleia. It has been noted that nor does Aeschylus include specific victories of various Greek soldiers, in fact not one is mentioned by name. However the case has also been put that it wasn’t the Greeks who won the battle, it was the gods.
What should also be noted is that, although the term ’Greek’ is used most of the time, it was in fact the Athenians. It may seem therefore that Aeschylus is deliberately trying not to pander to Athenian pride. However, the name Athens occurs frequently within the text, and at key moments, thus linking Athens with the action; for example (l. 231) the queen straight after relating her dream enquires, not if there is any news, but where Athens lies.
Secondly then to examine this play as a Persian tragedy. What is interesting here is that the announcement of defeat comes early on in the play, leaving the rest of it to lamentation. A spirit of doom is fostered even in the opening by their worry at the long absence, and by the women grieving for their husbands. The fall from Persian prosperity comes by way of wealth, war, ignorance, impiety and divine intervention. The wealth is Xerxes’ desire to increase what Darius created; war is self-evident, the ignorance and impiety are the characteristics of “impetuous” Xerxes (and his ubris), in daring to bridge the Hellespont and in foolishly relying on his navy when the Persians real power lay in their land army. Lastly then, is divine intervention; this is quite evident from any reading of the play, the word daimwn meaning a divine being, a spirit, a demon or fate, seems to appear more than any other. What we have here is a fall from prosperity for many reasons, and yet the play focuses more on the adversity than the time before the fall. This is possibly because this becomes a starting point for new prosperity, for Persia remained a threat for many more years, as is evidenced by the formation of the Delian League. As Atossa says “mortals must endure the affliction when sent by heaven” (ll. 293-294)
What we have here is both a Persian tragedy and an Athenian celebration. The play may seem to concentrate on the Persian tragedy, yet we must remember that the audience was Athenian, so they would have been very aware of and would have picked up on any allusions to Athens or to the greatness of the victory won, such as I mentioned earlier.
This play shows therefore both triumph and disaster, joy and lament. Gagarin argues that this co-existence of opposites is crucial to the play. Persae has no agwn or no conflict between two opposed individuals. Instead it has two wholly contrasting viewpoints. This use of the number two reoccurs throughout the play (not only important because of the fact that Aeschylus added the second actor), Aeschylus uses mirror scenes, that is, a similar scene replayed, usually it occurs before and after the peripateia so that the contrast is evident. The best example here are the two entrances of the queen. The first time she is in a chariot, and the very image of wealth and opulence. The second time she has dispensed with all of this, having now been afflicted by tragedy. There are other instances of twos, for example the two women in Atossa’s dream, the contrast between the two kings, and it occurs often within the text - the true tragedy of the Persian army outweighs the catastrophe that is Salamis twice over, and Xerxes is criticised for having a twofold front of double armament.
The tragedy of the Persian empire can also be seen as a warning to the development of the Athenian empire, as well as on an individual level, the clear warning of advancing too far on account of hubris, and a celebration of the Athenian victory. By thus developing the play beyond that of a purely historical tragedy Aeschylus may be demonstrating (and we can’t know details as we don’t have Phrynichus’ text) that, although written only four years apart, that there is merit in having two plays on the Persian Wars.
Bibliography
Ÿ Kitto, Greek Tragedy
Ÿ Taplin, The Stagecraft of Aeschylus
Ÿ Gagarin, Aeschylean Drama
Ÿ Murray, Aeschylus
Ÿ Said, ‘Tragedy and Reversal in Persians’ in Lloyd, Aeschylus
The Persian Wars
The westernmost part of the vast empire that was Persia was a region named Ionia. The Ionians claimed kinship with Greeks rather than with Persians, in particular the cities which were also of Ionian descent such as Athens. In 494 the Ionians revolted against oppressive Persian rule and sent to their fellow Ionians in Greece for help; and the Athenians duly sent aid. The revolt was put down, but the Persian king, Darius, was determined never to forget the role of the Athenians. It is said that he had one of his servants say to him “remember Athens”, three times each day when he sat down to dinner. In 490 a Persian force sent by him was defeated at Marathon by the Athenians and Plataeans. Ten years later, his son, Xerxes was determined to finally bring retribution to the Greeks. He built a bridge over the Hellespont and fought three battles: Thermopylae in 480, which the Persians won, Salamis, a naval battle, also in 480, in which the Athenians dealt him a devastating blow, and finally a land battle at Plataea in 479 which ended Xerxes’ expedition (although he had already returned to Persia the previous year). The Persian threat remained and to combat this a Delian League was founded by the Greeks under the leadership of Athens. This league formed the basis for the Athenian Empire. (454 - money moved)
Historical aspect
Aeschylus’ Persae was only written 8 years after the battle of Salamis; his audience would have remembered it. (the battle was fought not far from where this was being performed) It may seem to us that it was all too recent to be composing a play about it, but Kitto argues that remoteness of place compensates for nearness in time, and that by setting it in Susa Aeschylus could develop a broad moral theme despite the short time which had elapsed since the battle. Furthermore, this was not even the first play on the topic, Phrynichus staged his play on the Persian Wars in 476 BC. By writing another play on the same topic only 4 years later Aeschylus is demonstrating that he has more to say on the topic, which would imply that this play was written for more than just the glory of Athens.
There are historical inaccuracies in the play. For example the action occurring on the island of Psyttalia (where, according to Aeschylus the cream of the Persian army met their death) is exaggerated. Also Darius is portrayed as the prudent king who is against Xerxes’ attempt to yoke Greece as “the land itself is their [the Greeks’] ally” (l. 792), although Darius himself had sent a force against Greece in the afore mentioned battle of Marathon. This can either be taken as being mere inaccuracies, that is to say due to misinformation or ignorance, or, more likely, there is a dramatic reason, thereby agreeing with the notion that Aeschylus had particular reasons for producing a play on a similar topic to one performed four years earlier.
Tragedy
As this is a historical tragedy commemorating a great Athenian victory the question is is this a true tragedy in the Aristotelian sense of fall from prosperity to adversity, or is it merely a patriotic commemoration of Greek victory? There definitely is an element of a patriotism in it, and I think this is acknowledged. For examples in Aristophanes’ Frogs Aeschylus recalls his presentation of Persae in which “by glorifying a great deed I taught [the Athenians] to desire always to conquer their enemies”. This doesn’t necessarily mean that this was Aeschylus’ or even Aristophanes’ view, but the presence of such a line shows that the audience would have understood something in this. There are elements of the play which are clearly so written for the sake of Athenian pride. For example there’s the description of the Greek fleet in all its splendour at the outset of the battle (ll.386-401). Much is made of the size of the Persian army as this makes the Greek victory even more impressive. When the outcome of Salamis is being reported to them Aeschylus has Atossa ask specifically the number of the Greek ships. There is no mention of any minor Persian success, nor does any Persian warrior have a moment of glory. In contrast, as has already been mentioned, much was made of the relatively minor Greek victory at Psytalleia. It has been noted that nor does Aeschylus include specific victories of various Greek soldiers, in fact not one is mentioned by name. However the case has also been put that it wasn’t the Greeks who won the battle, it was the gods.
What should also be noted is that, although the term ’Greek’ is used most of the time, it was in fact the Athenians. It may seem therefore that Aeschylus is deliberately trying not to pander to Athenian pride. However, the name Athens occurs frequently within the text, and at key moments, thus linking Athens with the action; for example (l. 231) the queen straight after relating her dream enquires, not if there is any news, but where Athens lies.
Secondly then to examine this play as a Persian tragedy. What is interesting here is that the announcement of defeat comes early on in the play, leaving the rest of it to lamentation. A spirit of doom is fostered even in the opening by their worry at the long absence, and by the women grieving for their husbands. The fall from Persian prosperity comes by way of wealth, war, ignorance, impiety and divine intervention. The wealth is Xerxes’ desire to increase what Darius created; war is self-evident, the ignorance and impiety are the characteristics of “impetuous” Xerxes (and his ubris), in daring to bridge the Hellespont and in foolishly relying on his navy when the Persians real power lay in their land army. Lastly then, is divine intervention; this is quite evident from any reading of the play, the word daimwn meaning a divine being, a spirit, a demon or fate, seems to appear more than any other. What we have here is a fall from prosperity for many reasons, and yet the play focuses more on the adversity than the time before the fall. This is possibly because this becomes a starting point for new prosperity, for Persia remained a threat for many more years, as is evidenced by the formation of the Delian League. As Atossa says “mortals must endure the affliction when sent by heaven” (ll. 293-294)
What we have here is both a Persian tragedy and an Athenian celebration. The play may seem to concentrate on the Persian tragedy, yet we must remember that the audience was Athenian, so they would have been very aware of and would have picked up on any allusions to Athens or to the greatness of the victory won, such as I mentioned earlier.
This play shows therefore both triumph and disaster, joy and lament. Gagarin argues that this co-existence of opposites is crucial to the play. Persae has no agwn or no conflict between two opposed individuals. Instead it has two wholly contrasting viewpoints. This use of the number two reoccurs throughout the play (not only important because of the fact that Aeschylus added the second actor), Aeschylus uses mirror scenes, that is, a similar scene replayed, usually it occurs before and after the peripateia so that the contrast is evident. The best example here are the two entrances of the queen. The first time she is in a chariot, and the very image of wealth and opulence. The second time she has dispensed with all of this, having now been afflicted by tragedy. There are other instances of twos, for example the two women in Atossa’s dream, the contrast between the two kings, and it occurs often within the text - the true tragedy of the Persian army outweighs the catastrophe that is Salamis twice over, and Xerxes is criticised for having a twofold front of double armament.
The tragedy of the Persian empire can also be seen as a warning to the development of the Athenian empire, as well as on an individual level, the clear warning of advancing too far on account of hubris, and a celebration of the Athenian victory. By thus developing the play beyond that of a purely historical tragedy Aeschylus may be demonstrating (and we can’t know details as we don’t have Phrynichus’ text) that, although written only four years apart, that there is merit in having two plays on the Persian Wars.
Bibliography
Ÿ Kitto, Greek Tragedy
Ÿ Taplin, The Stagecraft of Aeschylus
Ÿ Gagarin, Aeschylean Drama
Ÿ Murray, Aeschylus
Ÿ Said, ‘Tragedy and Reversal in Persians’ in Lloyd, Aeschylus
Delphi
Aerial view of Delphi
The Theatre, Temple of Apollo, and the Treasuy building are all visible
Theatre building at Delphi
Just because I love theatres
The Temple of Apollo at Delphi
This is the site of the Delphian oracle who prognosticated in riddling hexameter
The Treasury of the Delian league at Delphi
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